肯尼迪就職演說背景

2024年2月15日發(作者：什么前什么后)

肯尼迪就職演說背景

【篇一：肯尼迪就職演講背景分析 the background

meaning in john y inaugural address】

the background meaning in john f. kennedy?s inaugural

address 摘要:肯尼迪是美國歷史上最年輕的總統,他的當選代表了二戰后的年輕主張.肯

尼迪的就職演講被認為是美國總統就職演講中最為精彩的篇章之一,其語言簡明、結構巧妙, 內容也反映了當時的政治，文化，社會背景，值得我們探究學習。

關鍵詞:就職演講;權利;核力量.

abstract: kennedy was the youngest person elected u.s.

president .his presidency

came to reprent the america youthful idealism in the

aftermath of world war ii. and kennedy?s address was

considered as one of the most wonderful in american history,

the words in it is short, well-organized, inflected the political,

culture, social background, and his ntences were worthing

study.

key words: inaugural address; rights; nuclear power.

president kennedy was an excellent speaker and writer;

kennedys speech object is global ，does not only aimed at the

american citizen, moreover in view of international judgment.

he applied various historics. such as, alleles, repetition,

alliteration, antithesis, metaphor, synecdoche. and he ud the

first person, let people in the same standpoint, feel

comfortable, so make it easy to win their support. he aroud

americans n of pride and responsibility, enabled the

speech having strong dition .in his address, we can learn the

political, social, cultural situations at that moment; appreciate

the art of his language.

y?s victory is all the people?s victory.

“we obrve today not a victory of party, but a celebration of

freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a

beginning--signifying renewal, as well as

change…”(張漢熙,1995,51-56)

kennedy emphasized that he become the

president of america is not only a victory of a party but also

embody the celebration of freedom. it symbolizing a new start ,

which fulfill hope, freedom. equal rights. it is also the victory of

all the american people and the human rights career.

new generations advocate freedom, equal rights and

peace.

“…we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to

friend and foe alike, that the torch has been pasd to a new

generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war,

disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient

heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing

of tho human rights to which this nation has always been

committed, and to which we are committed today at home and

around the world…”(張漢熙,1995,51-56)

some americans proudly called the 1950s the placid decade.

the united states had made huge profits in the cond world

as a result, the post-war years saw a degree of

prosperity of capitalist economy. the relation between capital

and labor became less inten.( 狄紅秋,2008;209-211)there was

a relative peace. as to the new generation ,few of they have

been influenced by the old doctrine of pre-world war，they

witness the tragedy of war and the power of the nucleus.

americans are free—free to express to create, and ideally, to

solve problems, and expect to make the world a better place.

they ro with a respect, recognition for and expectation of

continued freedom; they have immen freedom and their

ancient people fought to have freedom.

3. diplomacy policy and nuclear power at kennedy?s times.

vs

“…

finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our

adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides

begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of

destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in

planned or but neither can two

great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our

prent cour--both sides overburdened by the cost of

modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of

the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance

of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.” (張漢熙,1995,51-56) at that time, the contradiction between socialism

countries and capitalistic states is still sharp. ever since the

advent of atomic bombs at the end of the cond world war,

the nuclear weapon has played a very important part in united

states world strategy. in its rivalry with the former soviet union,

the united states had ud its nuclear arnal either as a trump

card or as a

bargaining chip according to the ever-changing balance of

power.

cuba nuclear crisis.

soon after his inauguration,

russians tried to install nuclear

missiles in cuba. when this was

discovered in october y

impod quarantine on al offensive

weapons bound for cuba. while the

world trembled on the brink of

nuclear war, the russians backed

down and agreed to take he missiles

away… the months after the cuba crisis showed significant

progress toward kennedy?s goal of “a world of law and free

choice, banishing the world of war and coercion”. his

administration thus saw the beginning of new hope for both

the equal rights of americans and the peace of the world.

5.” …become the host of our own…”america say to the

americas.

“…to tho new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the

free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall

not have pasd away merely to be replaced by a far more iron

tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting

our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly

supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the

past, tho who foolishly sought power by riding the back of

the tiger ended up inside…” “…let all our neighbors know that

we shall join with them to oppo aggression or subversion

anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that

this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own

hou….”(張漢熙,1995,51-56)

in this address, kennedy ud many metaphors to convey

implicated meanings. in the first ntence, he talked about

some countries were ud to ek the aids from socialist

country, but lost their freedom at last. he thought this is very

foolish, implying and treating the other countries don?t be

clo to socialism any more. next, he spoke in a sincerely tone,

calling on all the american people to protect their freedom,

their human rights … of cour, under their eldest brother --america?s leader. he compared “…his peaceful revolution of

” and “americas” to “…the prey hostile powers” and “a

hou” (李志坤, 2007:3), and america will never allow it,

americas should become the host of their own. once again, the

united states called on other countries to under the flag of

capitalistic to fight against socialism countries (the former

soviet union).

6. massive holy bible languages were ud in the address.

although kennedy?s address

was given to the whole world, as to

the people of english countries who

mostly is christian and believe in the

god, he quoted many ntences in the

bible. perhaps he thought that such

language style would arou the

n of agreement among english

countries, or on the other hand,

maybe this is becau kennedy

believes in catholicism. and people

always suspect whether he can fulfill

his responsibility impartially or not,

becau he is a catholic. in order to

reply this, in ptember of 1960,kennedy said he was not

catholic candidate for president; he was the democratic partys

candidate for president who happens also to be a catholic. and

he was not speaking for his church on public matters—and the

church does not speak for him. and kennedy also stresd

there are many other things which is much more important

than religion. war, hunger, ignorance and despair have no

religion limit, and we should u religion tolerance to rve the

national well-being. his speech restrained the noisy sound

surrounding his religion issues.

biography:

[1]狄紅秋. celebration hall: presidents of the u.s.a.[ m ].天津：天津大學出版社，

2008，209-211.

[2]李志坤et al. 《肯尼迪就職演說詞的語用含義探究》[j/ol]. cjfd收錄刊, 科

技信息(學術研究) 2007年 09期,3.

[3]張漢熙et al. 《高級英語》[ m ].北京：外語教學與研究出版社,1995,51-56.

【篇二：肯尼迪就職演講修辭分析】

[taking the oath of office]

1. vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president einhower,

vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow

citizens:

2. our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

? 修辭分析：運用了antithesis 的修辭手法，前后結構一致，語義相反，容易吸引觀眾的注

意，達到演講詞開篇引人入勝的目的。這里“a victory of party”和“a celebration of freedom，”“an end”和“a beginning”等等分別構成對照，強調這不是一個政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利，是結束也是開端，是更新也是變革。

3. the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal

hands the power to

abolish? same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears

fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the

rights of man come ?? 修辭分析：該段子劃線部分都運用了repetition的修辭手法。這里重復的使用主要是為了

分清層次，加強演講詞的節奏感和音律美，使讀起來朗朗上口。

4. we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

revolution. let the

word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike,

-- ??? 修辭分析：該段落劃線部分運用了parallelism 的修辭手法。總共包括三組排比句，如段中

所示，第一組是過去分詞引起的短語，第二組是形容詞引起的短語，第三組是定語從句。排比句結構平衡,音韻和諧,語義緊湊,高潮迭起,極富感召力與鼓動性。排比的大量使用既能起到突出演講主題的作用,又能令句子流暢,讀起來朗朗上口,極富音樂般的節奏和感染力。 -

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5.

? 修辭分析：這句話運用了repetition和alliteration雙重的修辭手法。首先是頭韻法，如段

中陰影部分，“pay price“”bear burden“”survival

success“”friend foe”等這些頭韻法的合理使用不僅使演說朗朗上口,富于樂感,從而抓住聽眾的注意力,而且通過在詞首重復使用相同的輔音,使得音韻悠揚,節奏明快,增強了表現力,給人以深刻的印象,為演說增添了光彩。其二段中“any”的重復使用使演講者觀點緊湊，重點突出，有能很有效的調動聽眾的情感，從而達到演講的目的。

6. this much we pledge -- and more.

7. to tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we

share, we pledge

the loyalty of faithful friends. a powerful challenge at odds and

split asunder.

? 修辭分析：段中劃線部分運用了antithesis的修辭手法。這里主要是“united”和“divided”的

對照，一方面使得兩句話對稱整齊，音律和諧，讀起來膾炙人口。另一方面強調了語義的對立，突出了“如果團結一致，我們就能在許多合作事業中無往而不勝，如果分歧對立，我們便會一事無成”這個主要觀點。

8. to tho new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the

free, ?? 修辭分析：該段劃線部分?運用了repetition的修辭手法，“shall”的重復使用使句式結構緊

湊，重點突出，同時調動聽眾的情感，引起共鳴，很好得表達了美國政府的決心和信念。 ? ?運用了metaphor的修辭手法。用比喻來闡述道理，使聽眾于生動的形象中得到啟發，受 - 2 -

到感染，折服于演說家。這一句既表明演說家的態度，同時也是對本段上文的形象化總結，這遠比講美國今后不會對加入自由國家行列的其他國家進行奴役之類的承諾有說服力得多。

9. to tho people in the huts and villages of half the globe

struggling to break

the ?we pledge our best efforts to help them help themlves,

for whatever period is required -- not becau the communists

may be doing it, ??? 修辭分析：該段落劃線部分中?運用了metaphor的修辭手法。該短語將“mass miry”對世

界各地人民的折磨隱喻為“bonds”，即枷鎖，形象生動地將抽象的事物變得簡單易懂，使聽眾易于接受和理解，并使能夠引起聽眾的共鳴，達到演講的效果。

? ?運用了repetition的修辭手法。該句中“becau”的重復使用一方面產生了音律美，使句

式整齊勻稱，另一方面突出了演講者所要表達的觀點，調動了聽眾的情緒。

? ?運用了antithesis的修辭手法。該句中句式非常對稱整齊，讀起來朗朗上口，簡潔明了，

音律和諧。同時通過語義上的對立突出強調了“如果不能幫助處在貧困中的人們，美國也就不能拯救少數的富人”這一觀點。

10. to our ?, we offer a special pledge: to

convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for

progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting

off ?peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of

hostile powers. ? we shall join with them to oppo aggression

or this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own

hou.

? 修辭分析：該段落劃線部分中?和?運用了metaphor的修辭手法。?句中將其他國家比作

“sister”，即兄弟姐妹，形象生動地將美國和南美國家的外交關系化抽象為具體，使聽眾對這 - 3 -

種關系有了一種更為直接的認識。同時表明了美國愿與南美國家之間保持友好、平等外交關系的立場。?中將貧窮隱喻為枷鎖，鎖鏈，突出了貧窮給人們帶來的苦難，同時也隱隱說明了美國的老大的地位，想要領導全世界。

? ?運用了parallelism的修辭手法。劃線部分都運用了“let..know

that”的句式，使得演講詞非

常的對稱，讀起來能夠產生一種音律美和節奏感。

11. to that world asmbly of sovereign states, the united

nations, our last best

hope in an age where the instruments of war have far

outpaced the instruments ? 修辭分析：該段落劃線部分運用了parallelism的修辭手法。段中“to...”引出了三個排比句，

排比的使用使得句子結構非常的整齊勻稱，增強了氣勢，加強了演講者對觀點的表達和傳輸。

12. finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our

adversary, we offer

?before the ?of destruction unleashed by science engulf all

humanity in planned or accidental lf-destruction.

? 修辭分析：該演講辭中從第七段到第十二段開頭粗體字部分運用了parallelism的修辭手法。

又用了結構相似或相同的句子形成了排比。排比和反復的重疊使用使語意層層遞進,增強了演講的氣勢,突出了強調的內容,同時使演講詞讀來韻律節奏分明,鏗鏘有力。

? ?運用了antithesis的修辭手法。使得句式結構整齊勻稱，節奏感強，同時強調了美國提出

的是一項要求而不是請求。

? ?運用了metaphor的修辭手法。這里將“nuclear weapons”隱喻成了“dark power”，生動形

象地說明了原子武器的威力和危害性，也從側面突出了我們應該響應美國的號召追求和平，杜絕原子武器的危害。

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13. we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our

arms are sufficient

that they will never be employed.

? 修辭分析：段中劃線部分運用了repetition的修辭手法。“beyond doubt”的重復，有效地強

化了語意，更富節奏感，使演講更有氣勢，同時加深了聽眾的印象。

14. but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations

take comfort from our

prent cour -- ? 修辭分析：段中粗體字部分運用了anaphora的修辭手法。首語重復的使用加強了演講詞的

節奏感，營造了一種音律美。同時結構上都是“”開頭的句子，句式非常整齊勻稱，在一定程度上也有利于吸引聽眾的興趣。

15. so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that

civility is not a sign of

? 修辭分析：段中劃線部分交錯運用了chiasmus和antithesis的修辭手法。首先句中使用了

交錯配列法，“negotiate”和“fear”在句中交錯出現，傳遞了一種非常精煉，深層次的思考，使句子呈現出一種莊嚴和嚴肅的氣氛，同時引導聽眾進行獨立的思考。其二也用了對照，這里主要體現在語義上的對照，即不要因為恐懼而去談判，而應不懼于去談判。

16. let both sides? 修辭分析：段中劃線部分運用了antithesis的修辭手法。該句子是“explore what problems”

和“belabor tho problems which divide us”的對照，這一方面讓句子結構比較整齊勻稱，讀來有種莫名的節奏感和音律美，另一方面強調了語義上的對立，突出了演講者的思想， - 5 -

【篇三：肯尼迪就職演講稿,中英文】

friday, january 20, 1961

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president einhower, vice president nixon, president truman,

reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we obrve today not a victory

of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as

well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i

have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn

oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three

quarters ago.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we

shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,

support any friend, oppo any foe, in order to assure the

survival and the success of liberty.

this much we pledge--and more.

to tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we

share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is

little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided,

there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful

challenge at odds and split asunder.

past, tho who foolishly sought power by riding the back of

the tiger ended up inside.

finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our

adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides

begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of

destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in

planned or accidental lf-destruction.

so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility

is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to

proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to

negotiate.

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of

belaboring tho problems which divide us.

all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be

finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this

administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.

but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest

the final success or failure of our cour. since this country

was founded, each generation of americans has been

summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves

of young americans who answered the call to rvice surround

the globe.

can we forge against the enemies a grand and global

alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a

more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic

effort?

and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can

do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do

for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the

world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and

sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good

conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of

our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his

blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods

work must truly be our own.

約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統、尼克松副總統、杜魯門總統、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我

們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。現在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們為我國悠久的傳統感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。

讓每個國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業中無在而下勝；我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成——因為我們不敢在爭吵下休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間——之所以這樣做，并不是因為共產篇二：肯尼迪總統就職演說(中英文)

肯尼迪總統就職演說 （1961年1月20日）

inaugural address of john f. kennedyjanuary 20, 1961

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president

einhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend

clergy, fellow citizens:

約翰遜副總統、議長先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統、尼克松副總統、杜魯門總統、尊敬的牧師、同胞們：

we obrve today not a victory of party but a celebration of

freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying

renewal as well as change. for i have sworn before you and

almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed

nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我們今天所看到的，并非是某一黨派的勝利，而是自由的慶典。它象征著結束，亦象征著開始；意味著更新，亦意味著變化。因為我已在你們及萬能的上帝面前，依著我們先輩175年前寫下的誓言宣誓。

今天，我們不敢有忘，我們乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此時，讓這個聲音從這里同時向

我們的朋友和敵人傳達：火炬現已傳遞到新一代美國人手中——他們生于本世紀，既經受過戰火的錘煉，又經歷過艱難嚴峻的和平歲月的考驗。他們深為我們古老的遺產所自豪——決不愿目睹或聽任諸項人權受到無形的侵蝕，這些權利不僅為這個國家始終信守不渝，亦是我們正在國內和世界上誓死捍衛的東西。

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we

shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,

support any friend, oppo any foe to assure the survival and

the success of liberty.

讓每一個國家都知道，無論它們對我們抱有善意還是惡意，我們都準備付出任何代價、承受任何重任、迎戰任何艱險、支持任何朋友、反對任何敵人，以使自由得以維系和勝利。 this much we pledge -- and more.

這是我們矢志不移的承諾，且遠不止此！

to tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we

share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is

little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided

there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful

challenge at odds and split asunder. 對于那些與我們共享同一文化和精神源頭的老朋友，我們許以朋友的忠誠。在許許多多的合作事業中，我們會盡己所能以促進我們的團結，而決不故意制造分裂，因為我們不敢輕易面對由分歧或體系崩潰而導致的巨大挑戰。remember that, in the past, tho who foolishly sought power

by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

對于那些新成立的國家，我們歡迎它們加入自由陣營，并在此許以忠告：某種形式的殖民控制決不會僅僅因為被另一種更為殘酷的霸權所取代就消聲匿跡。我們不會期待他們始終支持我們的觀點，但我們希望他們能始終堅定地維護他們自己的自由——并且牢記，在

過去，那些愚蠢地騎上獨裁的虎背以謀求權力的人最終都以葬身虎腹而告終。

對于那些寄居于大半個地球上的草舍村落、為著掙脫無盡苦難的枷鎖而奮斗的人民，我們承諾將盡我們最大的努力，以使他們獲得自助的能力。因為這是時代對我們提出的要求——不是因為共～產～黨人可能如此行事、不是因為我們需要他們的選票，僅僅是因為這樣做是正當的。

if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot

save the few who are rich.

如果一個自由的社會不能幫助貧窮的多數，它就不能拯救那富裕的少數。

對于我們的南部鄰邦共和國，我們許以特殊的承諾：將我們的良言轉為善行，在為了進步而結成的新盟邦里，幫助自由的人民和自由的政府擺脫貧困。但這一希翼中的和平革命不能成為敵對勢力的犧牲品，讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們一道，反對發生在美洲任何地區的侵略和顛覆。

and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends

to remain the master of its own hou.

讓所有其他勢力都知道，這一半球的人民致力于維護他們作為自己家園主人的地位。對于那個主權國家的世界性會議組織——聯合國，我們最后一次良好祝愿是發生在戰爭機器遠遠超過和平機器的時代。為了防止它淪為僅僅用來謾罵攻訐的論壇，為了加強它對新成立國家及弱小國家的保障功能、為了擴展其權力涵蓋的領域，我們現在重申對它的支持承諾。 finally, to tho nations who would make

themlves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request:

that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the

dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all

humanity in planned or accidental lf-destruction. 最后，對于那些主動站到我們敵對面的國家，我們提出的不

是許諾，而是懇求：在被科學釋放出的、黑暗的破壞力量以有計劃的或偶然性的自我毀滅方式吞噬全人類之前，懇求雙方再一次地開始謀求和平的努力。

我們不敢以軟弱誘惑它們，因為只有當我們的軍備充足到確切無疑的程度時，我們才能確切無疑地肯定它們永遠不會被投入使用。但這兩個強大的國家集團都無法從彼此當前的做法中得到安慰——雙方都背負了過高的現代武器系統的成本、雙方都理所當然地對致死

性原子武器的持續擴散感到驚恐不安，但雙方都競相改變不確定的恐怖均衡，這種均衡恰恰抑制了人類最后攤牌的沖動。

let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to

negotiate. 讓我們永遠不要因為懼怕而談判，讓我們永遠不要懼怕談判。

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of

belaboring tho problems which divide us.

讓雙方探尋那些能將我們團結在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我們的因素。 let both sides, for the first time, formulate

rious and preci proposals for the inspection and control of

arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations

under the absolute control of all nations.

讓雙方首先提出認真細致的方案來核查及控制軍備，并將毀滅其他國家的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

讓雙方努力去激發科學的奇跡，而非科學的恐怖。讓我們一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、開發海洋深處，鼓勵藝術和商業。

讓雙方在世界每一個角落，都共同信守《圣經．以賽亞書》中的教誨——“卸下重負??讓被壓迫者自由。”

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle

of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor --

not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where

the strong are just, and the weak cure, and the peace

prerved.如果合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，讓雙方攜手進行新的努力——不是為了建立新的勢力均衡，而是為了建立新的規則體系——以使強者正義，弱者安全，和平維系

all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor

will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life

of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this

planet. but let us begin.

所有這些工作將不會在從現在起的一百天、一千天內完成，也不會在本屆行政分支任期內完成，甚至可能不會在我們的有生之年完成，但是，請讓我們現在開始工作。

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the

final success or failure of our cour. since this country was

founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to

give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young

americans who answered the call to rvice surround the

globe.

我的同胞們，我們事業的最終成敗將掌握在你們的手中而不僅僅是我的手中。從這個國家被創建那天起，每一代美國人都被召喚去證實自己對國家的忠誠。那些響應號召獻身國家的年輕美國人的安息之所遍布全球。

can we forge against the enemies a grand and global

alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a

more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic

effort?

為了反對這些敵人，我們能夠將南方與北方、東方與西方團結起來，熔鑄成一個偉大的和全球性的聯盟，以確保全人類得享更為成果累累的生活嗎？你們愿意參與這項歷史性的努力嗎？

在世界歷史的長河里，只有少數幾代人被賦予了在自由面臨最大危機時捍衛自由的使命，我不會畏縮于這一責任——我歡迎它！我也不相信我們中的任何人會愿意與其他國家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而處。我們在這場努力中所傾注的精力、信念和奉獻將照耀我們的國家以及所有為之獻身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必將普照全世界。

and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can

do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

所以，我的美國同胞們，不要問你的國家為你做了什么，而應問你能為你的國家做些什么。my fellow citizens of the world, ask not

what america will do for you, but what together we can do for

the freedom of man.

我的世界同胞們，不要問美國將為你做些什么，而應問我們應該一起為了全人類的自由做些什么finally, whether you are citizens of

america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high

standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a

good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final

judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love,

asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on

earth gods work must truly be our own.

最后，無論是美國公民還是世界其他國家的公民，請用我們要求于你們的關于力量和犧牲的高標準來要求我們，本著我們唯一可以指望有所回報的善意良知，依著能最終裁決我們功業的歷史，讓我們著手領導我們所熱愛的國家，在祈求神的賜福和神的幫助的同時，也能深切體認，在這片土地上，神的工作必定也是我們自己所應承擔的使命。篇三：肯尼迪就職演講-中英對照-完美翻譯-經典名句

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president einhower, vice president nixon, president truman,

reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we obrve today not a victory of party, but a celebration of

freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning --

signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before

you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears

prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典；它象征著結束，也象征著開始；意味著更新，也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴誓言。

現今世界已經很不同了，因為人在自己血肉之軀的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量。可是我們祖先奮斗不息所維護的革命信念，在世界各地仍處于爭論之中。那信念就是注定人權并非來自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to

friend and foe alike, that the torch has been pasd to a new

generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by

war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our

ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow

undoing of tho human rights to which this nation has always

been

我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時此地告訴我們的朋友，并且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國人，他們出生在本世紀，經歷過戰爭的鍛煉，受過嚴酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統自豪，而且不愿目睹或容許人權逐步被褫奪。對于這些人權我國一向堅貞不移，當前在國內和全世界我們也是對此力加維護的。 let every nation know, whether it

wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any

burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppo any foe,

to